‘Her Story’ Made
By Poonam I Kaushish
‘Her story’ was made when Parliament passed the historic landmark 128th Constitution Amendment Bill Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam Bill providing 33% reservation for women in Lok Sabha and State Assemblies Thursday last. Twenty-seven years after it was first introduced in Parliament, with 454 for, two against in the House of People and unanimously in Rajya Sabha.
Undoubtedly India has come a long way from 1996 when the Women Reservation Bill was introduced by Gowda’s United Front Government but failed to clear Lok Sabha. It was re-introduced by Vajpayee’s NDA Government in 1998 but lapsed. In 2008 Manmohan Singh’s UPA 1 to again lapse 2010 due to high drama of MPs physical removal by regional satraps. Today, the opponents laid down their arms before an idea whose time has finally come.
Asserted a BJP Minister, “There was dire necessity of affirmative action to improve women’s conditions, as recent studies on Panchayats where there is reservations, have shown the positive effect of female political participation, leadership, women empowerment and allocation of resources. No matter, instances of them being used as proxies by men to win elections in States from Maharashtra to Bihar.
Its par on course for Opposition to carp. Congress’s grumble was delimitation and census were “poor excuses’” for postponement of women’s quota, alleging the entire exercise was to create an election issue, without actually implementing it. “We wanted implementation from next year’s Lok Sabha elections itself along-with reservation for women from Other Backward Classes (OBC) besides SC and STs.” Reversing its 2010 position against OBC quota within a quota.
Cribbed a senior Samajwadi leader, “I am not belittling the Bill by saying it will only benefit ‘lipstick-wearing-short-haired women from upper castes’. The intent is good but the practical political outcome may be far different in the absence of quota within a quota”. Added another, “it will be fight in a ‘ladies only’ compartment in a metro, nothing more”.
Not a few argue that it would perpetuate an unequal status of women as they would not be perceived to be competing on merit. Also, it restricts choice of voters to women candidates and diverts attention from larger issues of electoral reform, criminalisation of politics and inner Party democracy.
Instead, India should consider reservation in Parties and dual member constituencies. Rotation of reserved constituencies in every election might reduce incentive for an MP to work for his constituency as he may be ineligible to seek re-election from that constituency. Others, aver it would strengthen upper caste and elite rule and promote family politics. Men of this segment would ‘remote control’ their women to use political power.
Undeniably, politics of presence is crucial for effective functioning of our democratic system, as women constitute 50% of the population. Presently, even as we talk about more power to woman, a reality check bares some unpleasant home-truths. Women account for less than 10% of both Houses of Parliament.
Women legislators in Lok Sabha account for less than 15% 82 MPs, much below the global average of 24%. Think. If in 1950 women formed 5% of Parliament, today a mere 9% increase in the last 73 years is a sobering reminder of how slow progress has been. Consequently their under-representation not only reveals gender disparity but also constitutes gender deficit. With the Bill’s implementation this will rise to at least 181.
Shockingly, States like Tripura, Nagaland, Arunachal and J&K don’t have a single women MP in the Lok Sabha. Women representation in State Assemblies is even more glaring. Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and Karnataka have fewer than 5%. Mizoram has none and Nagaland one. Surprisingly, Bihar and Haryana boast of 10% fair sex representation. Hence this lack of representation is problematic as legislation reflects the values of those who make it.
Worse, only 724 women contested polls out of nearly 8000. The Congress fielded 54 (13%), BJP 53 (12%), Mayawati’s BSP 24, Mamata’s TMC 23 (43%), Patnaik’s BJD 33%, CPM 10, CPI four and one by Pawar’s NCP (his daughter). As many as 222 women contested elections independently. Four transgender candidates also fought while Kejriwal’s AAP fielded a transgender nominee. The situation in the Vidhan Sabhas is worse
More appalling are their educational qualifications. While 232 (32%) declared their educational qualification to be between Class 5 and Class 12 pass, 37 said they were just literate, 26 illiterate while the rest stated they were graduates according to the Association for Democratic Reforms.
Further, there are only a handful of women leaders today: Sonia Gandhi, Mamata Banerjee and Mayawati. Both Indira Gandhi and Jayalalithaa are deceased. So unlike the strong female contingent who fought alongside other freedom fighters, Sarojini Naidu, Sucheta Kripalani, Aruna Asaf Ali, Durgabai Deshmukh and Savitri Phule, who not only defied the notorious patriarchal norms but also blazed a trail of women’s empowerment.
Unfortunately, post-Independence India, women slipped to a secondary status where not just leaders, women continue to remain the ‘unwanted’ and neglected sex. Yet, there is no dearth of women workers in Parties who are regularly sidelined and denied Party tickets to contest elections. Despite, 65%, women turnout compared to 67.09% men during 2019 Parliamentary elections and more women voting than men in 16 of 29 States.
Undisputedly, there is a paucity of strong women in politics with Party bosses often reluctant to trust them with handling the rowdy business of winning elections. Add to this a neglect of women issues in most elected bodies. The moot point is: Will this Bill correct centuries-old imbalances and stigma against women? Will increased participation of women in the political process lead to less female infanticide, fewer dowry deaths, bride burning and trampling of female aspirations.
Undoubtedly, Parties recognize that in a changing India, women marginalization, exclusion from power corridors and decision-making echelons is becoming unsustainable, hence having more women in politics will improve the system and society. Their absence alienates women thereby undermining the system’s legitimacy.
Besides, Parties realize value of women power by the rising turnout of female voters who are slowly closing the gap with male turnouts. Their greater visibility and imprint in public spaces which are rising inexorably. Hence, women power acts as a potent force to ensure policies and legislation that affect their lives, is inclusive and representative of the population needs. Eventually, women-centric policies would heighten political efficacy among female voters.
At the same time one needs to watch out for the danger that gender politics can lead to a ferocious brand of political Puritanism. So far jobs, posts and seats in legislatures have always served as “apples of discord.”
Either way, the legislation has set the stage for a future where nari shakti will play a more substantial role in politics and integral to India’s democratic ethos. Clearly, if the Bill is implemented it will set a unique precedent as the only major democracy globally to implement such affirmative action.
True, the Bill is not a magical fix but a crucial leap forward for women empowerment and gender parity. One hopes it will not end up as an exercise in competitive, reckless populism at its worst. Today, women are at the cusp of a bright future as our leaders’ help them break the glass ceiling and give them their place in the sun. Femme Fatale is the way to go! —— INFA