By Inder Jit
(Released on 26 November 1985)
Japan appears to be looking forward to opening a new chapter in Indo-Japanese friendship and cooperation. This is the dominant impression of a ten-day trip to the country preceding the visit of India’s Prime Minister, Mr Rajiv Gandhi, beginning Thursday, November 28. The Government and business leaders of Japan as also the common people are awaiting Mr Gandhi’s visit with unusual interest, hope and expectation. In fact, an unprecedented welcome awaits Mr Gandhi. He will be the first Prime Minister from India to have the signal honour of addressing the National Diet of Japan, which consists of the House of Representatives (511 members) and the House of Councillors (212 members). Members of both Houses are elected by universal suffrage. In addition, Mr Gandhi is being accorded the courtesies normally extended only to the visiting heads of States. During his visit to Tokyo, he will stay in the city’s historic and beautiful Akasaka Palace, modelled on the famous French Palace of Versailles. The Akasaka Palace hosted the last summit of the big economic seven in Tokyo. It will also be the venue of the forthcoming economic summit in May next year.
Fortunately for the two countries, the Prime Minister of Japan, Mr Yasuhiro Nakasone, and Mr Gandhi seek to have struck a rapport. Moreover, Mr Nakasone is favourably disposed towards India. He told me and some other visiting Indian journalists in Tokyo that it would be “indeed a great honour and pleasure for us to able to receive Mr Gandhi here.” The two have met four times already, beginning with Mr Nakasone’s official visit to India in May last year. They again met six months later when Mr Nakasone visited New Delhi to attend the funeral of Mrs Indira Gandhi. His advisers are known to have been of the view that a visit by the Foreign Minister, Mr Abe, would be adequate. However, Mr Nakasone decided to come himself. They met for the third time in Moscow on the occasion of Mr Cherenko’s funeral. Their fourth meeting took place last month in New York — at the time of the 40th anniversary celebrations of the UN. The meeting was warm and friendly and helped the two leaders to set the tone for the forthcoming get-together. In fact, Mr Nakasone told us: “Other than the Prime Minister of India, I know very few Prime Ministers of other countries with whom I frequently meet.”
Equally happily, there are no major political problems between India and Japan. In fact, Tokyo remembers two things with considerable warmth and gratitude. First, the great stand taken by Justice Radhabinod Pal as a representative of India on the International Military Tribunal for the Far East following World War II. Dr Pal, the Japanese recall, argued for the acquittal of all those accused of war crimes. Second, India under Jawaharlal Nehru declined to be a party to the San Francisco Peace Treaty and demand reparations. Instead, it concluded a separate peace treaty with Japan in June 1952. This was one of the first peace treaties concluded by Japan after the Allied occupation. India’s friendly attitude towards Japan, Tokyo further recalls, “helped Japan greatly in its smooth re-entry into the international community of nations.” What is more, Japan continues to consider Buddhism as an important link between the two countries — as also the celebrated friendship of their art critic Tenshin (Kakuzo) Okakura with Swami Vivekananda and Rabindranath Tagore and the struggle for Indian independence waged by Rash Behari Bose and Netaji Subhas Bose from Japan and outside.
Friendly relations have continued between the two countries, centred on close ties of trade, economy and technical cooperation. (Japan-India trade developed mainly on the basis of Japanese imports of cotton before World War II and of iron-ore after the war.) Candidly, however, their growth over the past two decades has left much to be desired. Nehru in his time not only underlined the importance of Indo-Japanese friendship as a force for peace and stability but also advocated the need for India and Japan “to dovetail their economies and planning”. Inspired by Nehru’s warmth and vision, Prime Minister Ikeda of Japan visited India in 1962 and said that the two countries had “a common destiny”. Alas, no one today talks of “a common destiny” or in terms of Nehru’s vision. Understandably, much water has flown down the Jamuna. Japan has risen from the ashes like the Phoenix and is today an economic giant, leaving even leading Western countries way behind. (The US has presently an adverse balance of trade of $40 billion.) Nevertheless, one question needs to be asked. What has gone wrong between India and Japan and why?
Three things appear to have gone wrong on the basis of my talk with informed people in New Delhi and in Tokyo — people interested in seeing India and Japan come closer in the best interest of the two countries and the world at large. First and foremost, we have both tended to look West and not towards each other. In essence, we have taken each other for granted. Second, Tokyo has been concentrating on economic development and has been taking an economic world view. India, for its part, has been concentrating on a different international grid — largely political. Consequently, the twain have not met as they should have. Third, unspoken differences have crept into their basic relationship because of Tokyo’s closeness to Washington and New Delhi’s friendship with Moscow. Incredibly, India’s non-alignment is still not adequately understood and appreciated in Tokyo. In fact, some top people even today equate non-alignment with neutrality, ignoring its positiveness and confusing it with the passivity of the other. Even facts are ignored by some in influential right wingers to denounce India and to describe it as “one of the countries most committed to the Soviet Union.”
Friendly relations have continued between the two countries, centred on close ties of trade, economy and technical cooperation. (Japan-India trade developed mainly on the basis of Japanese imports of cotton before World War II and of iron-ore after the war.) Candidly, however, their growth over the past two decades has left much to be desired.
This has unfortunately influenced Tokyo’s thinking to a large extent and was mainly responsible for New Delhi’s disappointment in Mr Nakasone’s visit in May last year. India was then hoping that Mr Nakasone would take the opportunity of his visit to New Delhi to announce Japan’s support for India’s request for the ADB loan of $1 billion — as already done by the UK, West Germany, Italy and six other West European countries. (India had asked for $100 m in 1984, $400 m in 1985 and $500 m in 1986.) But to its “great disappointment”, Mr Nakasone and his aides put forward precisely the arguments advanced by the US times out of number. What is worse, according to authoritative sources, Japanese visitors even suggested that India should wait until 1987. New Delhi also felt a little disappointed in regard to the quantum of Japanese aid, India comes after ASEAN, China and Pakistan. Some specific proposals, such as the gas pipeline project, were even mentioned. But the Japanese delegation did not respond. New Delhi wanted to have Japan chip in commercially and, like Britain, use the aid as the proverbial sweetener.
India has also been eager to get Japan to support its demand for a North-South dialogue and more especially for an International Conference on Money and Finance for Development to reform the inequitable and out-dated international monetary and financial system. But it has not got from Japan so far the required support or the support extended to it by Mr Mitterand and some other Western leaders. New Delhi hopes that Mr Nakasone would be more forthcoming during Mr Gandhi’s visit. New Delhi also hopes that Mr Nakasone will not drag his feet on the question of India’s request for help from the ADB. True, Mr Nakasone disclosed to us in Tokyo the possibility of India and Japan signing “a science and technology cooperation agreement” during Mr Gandhi’s visit to Japan, He also said: “I think the exchanges between our two countries in the field of science and technology will be stepped up even further.” True also, there are prospects of Japanese assistance in some new projects such as a gas-based power plant in Assam and modernisation of the Burnpur steel plant. However, what India seeks from Japan is active help in moving towards economic self-reliance and a new international economic order.
India mainly wants from Japan today “high technology”. But the concept of high technology continues to be misunderstood. Most people see it essentially in terms of super computers and the latest in electronics and biotechnology etc. What is not adequately appreciated is that India basically needs an “upgradation of technology” all along the board. My visit to Japan showed that Tokyo is ready to cooperate and extend every assistance. It is most impressed by Mr Gandhi’s new liberalisation policies. But all the help will be available only within the constraints of the Japanese system. Japan has a free economy. “High tech” has been developed by the private sector and belongs to it. Tokyo is thus clear that it is for India’s Private or public sector to get from Japan what it wants. “Our Government has no power to force the Japanese industry,” as Mr Goro Koyama, President of the Japan-India Business Cooperation Committee, told us and added: “If you really want to change your economy, then allow your private sector to demonstrate its initiative and vitality. Private sector can demonstrate more vitality. It is a question of business and competition.”
Nehru in his time not only underlined the importance of Indo-Japanese friendship as a force for peace and stability but also advocated the need for India and Japan “to dovetail their economies and planning”.
Luckily, Mr Gandhi is basically pragmatic in his outlook and is mainly interested in results. He considers both the private sector and the public sector as part of the national sector. But is India’s private sector functioning in the best interest of the country and its people? Or, are its sights largely limited? Strangely the 32-member Indian delegation to the 18th Joint Meeting of the Japan-India Business Cooperation Committee in Tokyo from November 27 and 29, to be led by the FICCI President, does not include a representative of the electronics industry — an area in which India seeks “high tech”. Why? Mr Sabura Aohi, Chairman of the Standing Committee, told me in Tokyo: “We were surprised and suggested the inclusion of someone from electronics in the delegation. We regret this has not been done.” Mr Gandhi’s visit should provide a timely catalyst in promoting greater cooperation between Japan and India and in the transfer of technology. But much will depend upon India’s capacity to imbibe Japanese discipline and team spirit, their hard work and honesty — and, above all, their unrivalled ability to place country before self. — INFA