Caste Back With Rigour
By Shivaji Sarkar
Caste is back with rigour in a supposed casteless society envisaged at Independence. Even Babasaheb Bhim Rao Ambedkar was for a harmonious non-caste based constitutional society. His opposition to caste division was so vehement that he never wanted reservation even for the scheduled castes (SC), one that he belonged, now called dalit. With utmost reluctance he agreed for 10-year job reservation for their supposed economic uplift.
The new trend of the Central government agreeing to order a caste-based census, since the last one in 1931, is the dynamics of the non-creation of jobs with the First Five Year Plan. Though it led to industrialisation of the country, it never could have enough jobs to keep the burgeoning numbers of youth engaged. The unemployment hovers now around 6 to 9 per cent as per estimates of CMIE. In February 2025 it was 7.9 per cent or 44.85 million jobless.
Ambedkar had never envisioned that the Indian society and politician would turn that 10-year-term into an eternity. Nor anybody had ever dreamt that it would be the resurgence of caste society after 78 years of freedom. Ambedkar was not alone. All of his compatriots – Mahatma Gandhi, Pt Jawaharlal Nehru, CR Rajagopalachari, the founding fathers, and who not in the Indian National Congress, were for casteless society. Mahatma Gandhi considered untouchability the most egregious aspect of the caste system and made it a central focus of his reform efforts. Gandhi argued for the equal status of all occupations, challenging the traditional hierarchy within the varna system. Lakhs of families discarded their surnames in cosmopolitan Uttar Pradesh.
And by mid 1960s, in many states like Uttar Pradesh even schools and colleges with caste tags were told to change the names. Thus Kayastha, Vaishya or Kanyakubj schools opted for new names to ensure that caste does not recur to divide new India.
No wonder the Congress, as a party, and its leaders for their egalitarian views today are castigated for ignoring the “need for a census on caste basis”. Was the Congress alone? No. Even the propagator of “integral humanism”, Jan Sangh leader Deendayal Upadhyaya, who met an unfortunate violent death in 1965, envisioned a casteless society as part of his philosophy. He believed in a society free of caste, class, and conflict, advocating for a holistic and unified vision of human existence. His Integral Humanism was against hierarchy and discrimination, focusing on a harmonious and peaceful society.
No wonder Jan Sangh’s successor Bharatiya Janata Party was neither in favour of Mandal Commission report implementation by the then Prime Minister VP Singh in 1989 nor agreed to a caste census till April 30, 2025. Its leaders, including UP Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, vocally opposed it. However, the BJP had no qualms in joining hands with JD-U leader and Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar, who during his alliance with Laloo Yadav’s Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), ordered the first caste census.
What about a prominent socialist leader, Ram Manohar Lohia, often quoted by caste census propagators? Lohia viewed the caste system as a major obstacle to social progress and equality, advocating for its abolition. Lohia emphasised the need for a “new caste policy” that promoted “horizontal solidarity” among marginalised groups, including Dalits, Adivasis, minorities, women, and the working class. Lohia believed that the caste system was a major impediment to India’s economic, social, spiritual development and hindered mobility and opportunity. Lohia’s ideas influenced the development of anti-caste movements in India, including the rise of the Bahujan movement.
It started changing during the 1967 Lok Sabha and state Assembly elections. The emerging prosperous mid-segment castes, later called other backward castes (OBC), under Chaudhury Charan Singh, who defected from the Congress to lead the so-called first non-Congress government vocally demanded sharing of power and job reservations for the mid-segment castes. He emerged as a champion of the middle peasant communities across various castes in North India. His advocacy for the socio-economic upliftment of these communities laid the groundwork for the BP Mandal Commission’s OBC reservation.
Caste is taking deep roots again all over the country even in supposedly elite West Bengal or Kerala. Possibly India would do without religions but not castes. The fresh caste-based census transcends religions, like Islam or Christianity, where caste formally does not exist.
Bihar, Telangana and Karnataka have done caste census. The Telangana caste census states that OBCs now constitute 46.25 per cent of the population and not the previous 52 per cent as per the Comprehensive Household Survey of the Telangana government. At the same time, the Scheduled Caste (SC) and Scheduled Tribe (ST) populations have increased to 17.43 per cent against 15.45 per cent as in the 2011 census.
Exact caste numbers in the country are not known. Congress leader and Leader of Opposition Rahul Gandhi asks for the new census timeline. Due to Covid19, census could not be held in 2021. Now as per the decadal cycle it should be held in 2031.
The question stalking the people is how the various castes would have the benefit of numbers in terms of job quota. In many universities the Dalits and other castes are summarily rejected as NFS – not found suitable. The job quagmire does not end with the census. It can aggravate. The country is losing on jobs with the abandonment of public sector units, freeze in job recruitments and lack of investment in the private sector. Even army jobs are short-term contracts like agniveers.
The caste census could be an albatross with the ensuing Bihar elections. India faces a significant job scarcity, particularly for young graduates, with a notable skill gap hindering employment. A new report, India’s Graduate Skill Index 2025 by Mercer-Mettl, reveals that only 42.6 per cent of Indian graduates are considered employable, while 57.4% struggle to find work.
The rise of automation and AI is displacing jobs, particularly in traditional sectors, and creating a need for specialized skills. The industry is not investing. Economic situation faces challenges under US President Donald Trump. Rural joblessness is growing in Telangana and Kerala, especially among women. Goa has over 11 per cent rural unemployment.
If after the census the aspiring castes do not get jobs, it could lead to social tensions. The issue is not singular to the ruling party at the centre. It engulfs all political parties. They must sit together, may consider reviving Planning Commission and create summary jobs. The jobless would not be satisfied with the blame-game political scenario. Concrete steps are needed with all heads put together. No alibi would satisfy the voters. Yes, days are critical for all. Would there be a solution? — INFA