[Ripi Bagra]
The recent visit of Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto to India as the chief guest at the Republic Day celebrations underscores the historical, cultural, and strategic ties between the two nations. While the visit was rich in symbolism, reflecting the deep civilisational connect and shared political aspirations, it fell short of delivering concrete outcomes in certain areas of strategic and economic importance. Nevertheless, the four-day visit marked an important step in strengthening bilateral ties and exploring new avenues for cooperation.
India and Indonesia share a rich tradition of historical connections, rooted in trade, culture, and religion. The spread of Hinduism and Buddhism, the use of Sanskrit, and the adaptation of Indian epics like the Ramayana into Javanese traditions have left an indelible mark on the Indonesian culture. This historical connection was symbolically reinforced during President Subianto’s visit, particularly with India’s assistance in the conservation efforts of Indonesia’s iconic Prambanan temple, following similar work at Borobudur temple.
In the 20th century, both nations united against colonialism, with India supporting Indonesia’s fight against Dutch imperialism. The Bandung Conference of 1955 further cemented their solidarity as founding members of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). This shared legacy continues to resonate as both countries navigate a multi-polar world order.
In recent years, India and Indonesia have found common ground on several global and regional issues. Both nations are committed to a rules-based order in the Indo-Pacific, emphasising freedom of navigation and adherence to international law, particularly amid China’s assertiveness in the South China Sea. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s description of Indonesia as a key partner in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the Indo-Pacific highlights the strategic importance of this relationship.
However, President Subianto’s nuanced stance on the South China Sea, particularly the joint statement with China on developing “areas of overlapping claims,” reflects Indonesia’s delicate balancing act. This underscores the need for India and Indonesia to coordinate their positions on critical geopolitical issues, especially as both countries seek to enhance their strategic autonomy.
The inclusion of Indonesia in BRICS, following its active role in the G20 summits in Bali (2022) and Delhi (2023), provides another platform for collaboration. Both nations share concerns over Western sanctions, the US-China rivalry, and the need for a robust multilateral order. These shared priorities position India and Indonesia as natural partners in the global south.
Economic ties between the two nations have grown, with bilateral trade reaching $30 billion in 2023-24. However, the trade balance heavily favours Indonesia, highlighting the need for India to enhance its exports. President Subianto’s promise to cut bureaucracy and regulations to attract Indian investment is a welcome move. Sectors like infrastructure, health, education, and digital transformation offer significant opportunities for collaboration.
Despite the potential, past initiatives such as the Andaman-Aceh connectivity project and the Sabang port development have stalled, reflecting implementation challenges. These projects must be prioritised, given their strategic and economic importance in enhancing connectivity and fostering trade. Additionally, the signing of five memorandums of understanding during the visit – covering maritime security, health, traditional medicine, digital cooperation, and culture – provides a framework for expanding bilateral ties.
Defence and security cooperation featured prominently during the visit. The maritime security pact between the Indian Coast Guard and Indonesia’s Bakamla aims to strengthen collaboration in crime prevention, search and rescue, and capacity building. Joint disaster management exercises and cooperation in counter-terrorism and de-radicalisation were also highlighted.
However, the lack of progress on high-profile defence deals, such as Indonesia’s potential purchase of India’s BrahMos missile system, was notable. While discussions on defence manufacturing and supply chain cooperation are ongoing, concrete agreements in this area would significantly enhance the strategic partnership.
Despite the symbolic success of President Subianto’s visit, the bilateral relationship has often underperformed relative to its potential. Addressing this requires a concerted effort to overcome bureaucratic hurdles, ensure timely implementation of joint projects, and align strategic priorities.
India and Indonesia must also deepen their collaboration in multilateral forums such as G20, ASEAN, the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA), and BRICS. The proposal for trilateral cooperation involving India, Indonesia, and Australia is a promising initiative to address common challenges in the Indo-Pacific. Additionally, Indonesia’s inclusion in the IBSA (India, Brazil and South Africa) grouping could further strengthen its role in the global south.
The establishment of the Track 1.5 dialogue mechanism and the first meeting in Mumbai in 2024 are positive steps toward fostering a deeper understanding between the two nations. Think tanks and industry stakeholders must play an active role in translating high-level commitments into actionable outcomes.
President Subianto’s visit to India, marking the 75th anniversary of diplomatic relations, is a pivotal moment in the India-Indonesia partnership. While the visit’s tangible outcomes were modest, it provided a valuable platform for dialogue and reaffirmed the strategic importance of this relationship.
As two of Asia’s largest democracies with shared historical and geopolitical legacies, India and Indonesia are well-positioned to shape a multi-polar world order. By addressing existing challenges and leveraging new opportunities, the two nations can forge a robust and sustainable partnership that benefits their citizens and contributes to regional and global stability. (The contributor is an independent researcher.)
